In our June seminar we welcomed Dr Christopher Handy, who spoke about his research on etiquette among Buddhist monks and nuns. Based on readings of the Buddhist monastics codes in the vinaya Handy pointed out that many of the rules for monks and nuns have little or nothing to do with ethics, and can be better characterised as rules of etiquette. Approaching the vinaya texts in the context of politeness, Handy drew on Penelope Brown and Stephen Levinson’s politeness theory (itself based on the work of the sociologist Erving Goffman) to argue that many of the rules in the vinaya are primarily concerned with not losing face.
The rules concerning politeness are especially common in the śaikṣadharma or ‘rules for training’, which include, for example, prohibitions against making a smacking (capucapu) or slurping (surusuru) sound when eating. Some rules of politeness, Handy showed, are based on previously existing Brahminical customs, such as the rule against urinating while standing. On the other hand, the nature of politeness is different when Buddhist monks and nuns are among lay people. Ordinarily friendly acts such as smiling and making small talk are not allowed to be directed towards lay people, especially those of the opposite sex.
Furthermore, Handy pointed out cases where the rules that applied when monks and nuns went among the laity were different from the rules they had to observe when amongst themselves. For instance, one case in the vinaya tells the story of the Buddha sneezing in the course of giving a teaching. When a monk in the audience said “long life!” (the equivalent of “bless you”!), the Buddha explained that it was not necessary to say that to him, or to fellow members of the sangha. However, when monks observed this same rule and failed to say “long life!” when their lay supporters sneezed, those supporters were offended at the monks’ rudeness. When told of of this, the Buddha said that the monks could continue to use the usual polite response with lay people.
After this fascinating talk, Handy demonstrated the new ERC-funded OpenPhilology project for Buddhist scriptures, which he is involved with at Leiden University. Click here for details.
At the May seminar we had two guest presenters from North America, both talking about the religious traditions of Nepal. Their research activities are based primarily on Sanskrit manuscripts along with extensive fieldwork in the Kathmandu Valley.
The first speaker, Alexander von Rospatt (UC Berkeley), discussed the importance of a work from ca. the 15th century, the Svayambhūpurāṇa, a complex text about the history of local Buddhism with a special focus on the Svayambhū Stūpa, a central landmark and pilgrimage site (tīrtha) in Kathmandu. This charter-like piece, rich in narratives, is seen as an attempt for Newar Buddhism to reinvent itself: with Nepal being the centre and India the periphery. The text starts with the famous legend of origins: the Valley was once a lake, the Stūpa stood on a lotus, and the bodhisattva of wisdom, Mañjuśrī, drained this lake by cutting a gorge into the surrounding mountain range. While the area dried up resident Nāga serpents were relocated to smaller ponds and streams with Karkoṭaka being the most important up to the present. With the course of time Svayambhū developed its many tantric connections, including links to the Yoginītantras, the deity Cakrasaṃvara and the goddesses Vajrayoginī and Guhyeśvarī.
While the Svayambhūpurāṇa is translated into Tibetan, Newari and Nepali, it still lacks a complete Western rendering and only some of its versions are edited. There are four distinct recensions with slightly different titles and the length of the metrical ones ranges from a few hundred to a couple of thousand verses. The various versions also contain prescriptions for religious observances (vrata) of the bodhisattva vow. The renovation of the Stūpa is regularly sponsored by different communities in the Valley and there are exquisite depictions of the buildings and related legends both as manuscript illuminations and mural paintings.
The second speaker, Jessica Vantine Birkenholtz (Univ. of Illinois), introduced a little researched tradition, the Hindu Svasthānīvratakathā or ‘The Story of the Ritual Vow to the Goddess Svasthānī’ from the 16th century. This ritual of high-caste Hinduism focusses on the performance of the Svasthānī vow, the succesful completion of which results in prosperity. Though this goddess is little known in other sources, a copy is kept in most Hindu households, and the text is recited in these households every winter in the month of Magh (January-February). The text survives in more than 700 manuscripts, the oldest dating to 1573 CE. From the 18th century onwards the Svasthānīvratakathā underwent a ‘Purāṇicisation’ process and became an established text along with other ones like the Paśupatipurāṇa or the Nepālmahātmya. The main religious observance (vrata) takes place primarily in the ancient town of Sankhu not too far from Kathmandu. An interesting point for comparison with the observance of the bodhisattva vow at Svayambhū is that it is overwhelmingly female lay devotees who participate in both kinds of ritual.
The Beyond Boundaries team met for their monthly seminar, with many guests, to discuss several problems with the history of West India in the mid-first millennium. The problem which motivated discussion was the dating of one minor dynasty, the Traikūṭakas, who are known from a handful of copper plate inscriptions and a modest silver coinage – and the first three presentations served to introduce the problem.
Michael Willis began by talking about the use of imprecatory verses in copper plate charters. These verses, which warn any prospective malefactor who might seize the granted land that they risk 60,000 years in hell, are often attributed to the sage Vyāsa and sometimes specifically to the Mahābhārata. However, according to the critical edition of the Mahābhārata, they are only found in some southern manuscripts and not in any others. The verses are, as was shown in several slides, relatively common in fifth and sixth century charters, and are also known from a Traikūṭaka grant. If the Traikūṭakas were dated significantly earlier than the fifth century, and the seminar topic was chosen in part because they sometimes are, then this would make this the earliest usage and suggests a west to east transmission of the concept (rather than an origin in a North Indian Gupta context as is often assumed).
There followed a vigorous debate about whether it is reasonable to assume that the powerful dynasties who disseminated different aspects of court culture originated those ideas, and whether the copper plate charters are representative of the distribution of similar decrees written on more ephemeral material.
The second presentation, by Robert Bracey, presented the numismatic evidence, which since the 1960s has been accepted by numismatists as demonstrating an early date for the Traikūṭakas. A small number of their coins, and the handful of inscriptions, record dates ranging from 197 to 284. What is at issue is whether, as most numismatists believe, those dates are in Śaka era of 78 AD or, as most epigraphers believe, in the Kalacuri-Cedi era of 249 AD. Robert presented the four arguments that have usually been deployed and critically re-examined them. He concluded that the arguments that the coins used the designs of third century Western Satrap coins, or that they fitted in a supposed gap in the Satrap dynasty, were unsound, but that the arguments based on the weight of the coins were compelling and those on hoards were compatible with an early date even if not strong.
A Traikūṭaka coin
A Maitraka coin
Prof. Hans Bakker then took the opportunity to perform the same role for epigraphic evidence. He presented V. V. Mirashi’s publication on the inscriptions of the Kalacuri-Cedi era which was prepared in the 1950s but not published until after Mirashi’s death. Taking the early inscriptions in turn Prof. Bakker demonstrated how each one could be attributed to either the Gupta era of 319 AD or the Śaka era of 78 AD, for all of the inscriptions before the year 200. He further pointed out that supposed references to the dynasty in the inscriptions were ambiguous, supporting both early and late dates depending on which reference you chose. However, two strong epigraphic arguments remained for dating the inscriptions in the fifth century and thus attributing them to the Kalacuri-Cedi era. The first is the palaeography, which epigraphers are unanimous in attributing to a late period. The second, which Prof. Bakker presented for the first time at the event, was in the prose passages which show a strong continuity of the scribal and courtly traditions from the Traikūṭaka inscriptions to those of the early Kalacuris.
There followed a lively debate over the relative merits of these two strands of evidence which both seem to strongly suggest contradictory dates.
There then followed several short presentations on related issues. Daniel Balogh began by speaking about the early Rāṣṭrakūṭas of the Deccan. If the Traikūṭakas employed the Kalacuri-Cedi era, and the dates frequently assumed for the Rāṣṭrakūṭas are in fact correct, then the latter would be the southern neighbours of the former. Daniel carefully laid out how the genealogical inscriptions have been used to reconstruct several generations of the dynasty.
Francesco Bianchini then spoke about the Maitrakas. More firmly dated than the Traikūṭakas or the Rāṣṭrakūṭas, they ruled in the sixth century after the collapse of Gupta hegemony north of the Namada river in Gujarat. Francesco discussed the vexed problem of the dynasties ‘overlords’ who are frequently referred to in their inscription but never named, and whether these are the Guptas, the Huns, the Aulikaras, the Vākāṭakas, or a more deliberately ambiguous reference.
Finally Gethin Rees spoke about the cave sites of West India and particularly Kanheri. Kanheri experienced several different phases of construction during which new caves were cut, structures were added and in some cases the existing caves were elaborated with new items. However, finding fixed chronological points to tie the relative art historical dating to is very difficult. One of those which has received much attention is a Traikūṭaka inscription found as part of a relic deposit in a brick built stupa at the site.
The seminar finished with a wide ranging discussion amongst the participants on the interconnections between these dynasties and the problems of chronology, cultural transmission, and political reality that the evidence presents. Though no firm conclusions were reached it was agreed that the complex West Indian states deserve more attention, preferably inter-disciplinary, than they have received up to now.
An early Rāṣṭrakūṭa copper plate
A Maitraka copper plate (Photo: Wikimedia Commons)
At our January workshop, we had two talks on various aspects of Jainism in the Gupta period. First, Andrew Ollett (Harvard) focussed on the Jaina languages. Beginning with a theoretical analysis, Ollett questioned several common assumptions about the character and history of the Prakrit languages that were used by the Jainas, i.e. Ardhamāgadhī, Mahārāṣṭrī, and Śaurasenī. He argued that the historical boundaries between these languages were fluid, and that our ideas of their differences are largely based on the reification of Prakrit varieties by 19th century scholars. These Prakrit languages were not continuous with demotic speech. Moreover, unlike the Buddhists, the Jainas didn’t have their own grammars for their Prakrit variants. This might explain why Jaina authors frequently go back to more archaic forms, which challenges the idea of a linear development of the Middle Indic languages. Ollett’s theoretical reflections were linked to his account of the history of Prakrit as described in his recent publication Languages of the Snakes: Prakrit, Sanskrit, and the Language Order of Premodern India, which is available for download from the University of California Press.
In the second half of the workshop, Paul Dundas addressed the social situation of the Jainas under the Guptas, focussing on the means by which the Jain renunciant community was supported. For this goal, he discussed the term ‘akṣayanīvī’, used in Haribhadra Yākinīputra’s Ṣoḍaśakaprakaraṇa, which refers to a permanent endowment for monks. By presenting several epigraphical and non-epigraphical sources from the Gupta period that mention such endowments and the ‘use’ (upabhoga) of these endowments, Dundas threw some new light on the dating of the domestication of Jaina mendicant life. In the last part of his talk, he discussed a story from the Āvaśyakacūrṇi, in which Gautama feeds some ascetics on Mount Aṣṭāpada with his magical powers. Pointing out the parallels with a story form the Mahābhārata in which the Sun enables Yudiṣṭhura to feed Brahmins in the forest, Dundas tentatively suggested that the story about Gautama might be a reworking of the story in the Mahābhārata. The background to the questions that Dundas raised during the workshop can be found in his earlier study on the social status of the Jains under the Guptas (“Floods, Taxes, and a Stone Cow: A Jain Apocalyptic Account of the Gupta Period.” South Asian Studies 30, no. 2 (2014): 230-244, doi:10.1080/02666030.2014.962341).
At the March seminar Peter Bisschop and Elizabeth Cecil (Leiden University) gave a joint presentation about the preliminary results of their research on inscribed columns and civic religion in Gupta India. They have recently returned from a fieldwork trip to Central India where they and Dániel Balogh (British Museum) visited Gupta and early post-Gupta sites. The findings of this trip were incorporated into their presentation in which they emphasised that the study of pillar inscriptions needs to take more consideration than before of the pillars as physical objects, as well as the monumental sites as they would have appeared to historical visitors.
Cecil discussed the social and religious context of columns in early India, accompanied by textual references collected by Bisschop. Though image and text, they showed that the columns could have been sites of ritual power, as well as conveying a political message. Discussing the material semantics of these structures, Cecil argued that they held multiple meanings for different audiences. In this light, they discussed three specific column sites studied in their fieldwork: the Sondhni column of Yaśodharman near Mandsaur (western Malwa), the Eran column of Mātṛviṣṇu and Dhanyaviṣṇu (of the time of Budhagupta, in eastern Malwa), and the Mahākūta column of Maṅgaleśa (in Karṇāṭaka).
As a different aspect of the connection of epigraphs to their monumental context (based on the same fieldwork trip), Balogh gave a preliminary report on the inscriptions of the late Gupta temple of Charchoma (near Kota, Rajasthan). One of these appears to consist of recipes for incense presumably for use in local ritual, while two others praise donation and temple construction without reference to any particular act, probably engraved with the intent to encourage donations for the maintenance of the temple and the community attached to it.
At the February seminar, we had three talks from distinguished academics of Buddhist Studies, focusing on the transmission of Buddhism through Central Asia during the first millenium CE.
First, Hannes Fellner presented his research on Tocharian Buddhism and Buddhist texts dating roughly from the fourth to the tenth century. He first discussed the Tocharian languages spoken especially in the northern Tarim Basin in Xinjiang, which are descended from an Indo-European ancestor spoken around eastern Ukraine about four thousand years ago and suggest an easterly migration of peoples displacing an Indo-Iranian culture before the common era. Ancient and later Tocharian B are found in the west of the Tarim Basin, and both are earlier than the eastern Tocharian A.
All documents written in this now extinct language are incomplete, lacking colophons, but recent work (especially by the CEToM) has brought together almost all extant Tocharian documents to compare them with each other and with correlates in works of other languages to describe the culture that once flourished around Kucha and Yanxi. Almost all Tocharian texts are Buddhist, with the exception a colloquial poem and a fragment of a Manichaean work. They include Sarvāstivāda sutras, monastic regulations (vinaya) and classificatory works (abhidharma), as well as non-canonical literature such as royal lineages, grammars, dramas and narratives.
The Tocharians were famous in China as players and musicians, and this seems to be confirmed by the amount of these latter types of work discovered. Hannes Fellner took us through the paleography, formal features and contents of a number of these works. He then described the linguistic shifts that occurred with the Tocharians’ conversion to Buddhism, and the trends of lexical borrowing, calque vs. free translation, and suggested that speakers of Tocharian B may have converted speakers of Tocharian A to judge from differences in their core Buddhist terminologies. He ended by arguing that scholars of Buddhist Studies have much to contribute to the identification of Tocharian works, contextualisation of linguistic, stylistic and terminological shifts evidenced therein, but that Tocharian texts also could reciprocate in future, as an archaic Buddhist tradition with a comparitively large corpus of extant texts and an especially interesting proclivity for Buddhist belles lettres.
The second speaker, Jan Nattier, provided insights into the second- and early third-century translators and translations of Buddhist works into Chinese. She identified the ethnocons, the Chinese names taken on predominantly by non-Chinese that indicate their ethnic group, as suggesting that most translators were of western Central Asian (Parthian, Yuezhi and Sogdian) heritage, though not necessarily immigrants themselves. These translators included An Shigao安世高, Lokakṣema / Zhi Loujiachen 支婁迦讖, An Xuan安玄 and Kang Mengxiang康孟詳, who displayed different translation styles.
For example, Lokakṣema and his Buddhist translation group (one of the first in China), many times favoured transcription of Indic terminology over translation. In contrast, An Xuan and Kang Mengxiang attempted to translate everything, even leading to some apparent innovations that only later became standard terminology through the popularity of their works. Nattier suggested that these styles reflected different audiences for the translated works, perhaps a polyglot expat group in the case of the former, and an indigenous Chinese elites in the latter case. She also described the evidence for Gandhari underlying the texts translated, rather than Classical Sanskrit as was presumed by earlier generations of scholars.
Finally, Jonathan Silk outlined his current research into eighth- and ninth-century translations of Buddhist works from Chinese into Tibetan. He indicated that such an analysis could help to unlock a certain Chinese understanding of their works, uncovered in the choices made when re-translating them (or translating in the case of Chinese compositions) into Tibetan. Most Tibetan translations carried out towards the end of the Tibetan imperial period (c. 600–850) were translated from Indic languages. However, catalogues of the royal library collections of the time show that many were not, and over thirty of the works translated can be found in Chinese in the Taishō Canon.
Silk went through these works, highlighting where some Chinese-Tibetan translations have become canonical themselves, or where they only exist in the Dunhuang corpus of texts (with or without a corresponding Indic translation in the Tibetan Kanjur Canon). Sometimes the Chinese basis of the translation is clearly indicated in the colophon, or in the transcription of the Chinese title at the beginning of the work. At other times, however, the dependence has to be gleaned from internal textual evidence, and Silk pointed out the types of evidence used to come to these conclusions. Furthermore, he gave some examples where the Chinese understanding of the underlying Indic terminology behind the work shone through the Tibetan translation.
These telltale signs suggest that Chinese speakers, perhaps with dictionaries or glossaries, could see enough of the Indic terminology in the Chinese text to be able to translate it into Tibetan calque terms that also correlated with the Indic original—that they understood the technical nature of these works on a fine-grained level. It is his intention to create multilingual collations of some of these works in the future, to help to unlock the shape of Buddhism at Dunhuang in the late first millennium.
At our January workshop, Robert DeCaroli discussed his research on the momentous move from an aniconic depiction of the Buddha before the common era to the first images of Śākyamuni in full, appearing from the second century CE onwards. He discussed the correlation between places and periods in which royalty were depicted and those in which the first Buddha images are thought to have first appeared, though he was careful not to suggest causation. Drawing on his recent book, Image Problems, DeCaroli outlined the cultural shift that occured away from hesitancy over depicting the Buddha in human form, which was perhaps linked to a widely held beliefs that creating effigies of living beings left them vulnerable to attack amd control through ritual. The earliest human images of the Buddha occur in areas controlled by the Kushan and Indo-Scythian dynasties, and spread into the Deccan, as evidenced at sites such as the Kānherī Caves. Kānherī Cave 3 exhibits on an outer pillar and on one of the pillars within the unfinished stūpa hall, images of the Buddha that resemble those of yakṣas from Mathura.
DeCaroli argued that the Kānherī Cave 3’s construction should be dated between 140–170 CE, contemporary with similar early Buddha imagery appearing at Amaravati, and proposed that this site shows the influence of northern Indian artistic models of iconism spreading down into the Deccan during Sātavāhana rule of the region. Living members of this dynasty at the same time began to be depicted at places such as Nāṇaghāṭ, and DeCaroli suggested that perhaps the Buddhist artists reappropriated royal art in making their religious images. Furthermore, these first tentative attempts at depicting the Buddha in human form seem to have gained favour, and slowly the Buddha image moved from a peripheral to a central position and more religious figures were added at sites such as Ajaṇṭā Caves 19 and 26—before the explosion of images witnessed in the fourth and fifth centuries.
This talk was followed by a short presentation by Lewis Doney on a passage in a Tibetan history, the dBa’ bzhed, wherein it is decided that the most beautiful members of the Tibetan nobility should act as models for deity statues in bSam yas Monastery. He illustrated with Himalayan art and this led to a discussion on the emergence of a “Tibetan” style distinctive from “Indian” and “Chinese” at the turn of the second millennium. Gergely Hidas then introduced his recent work on ritual instructions for the control of the weather from Buddhist dharani sutras, and finally, Michael Willis presented items from the British Museum collections thought to originate in Kānherī.
At the December seminar our main speaker was James McHugh, author of “Sandalwood and Carrion. Smell in Indian Religion and Culture” (OUP 2012). In the talk he focussed on various sorts of intoxicants prevalent in South Asia around the Gupta Age. Drawing primarily on textual and art historical sources it was shown that the use of alcohol and betel was widespread at various strata of society and there were many types of intoxicating drinks in the region prepared with different technologies.
In the second half of the event some short presentations related to the subject were given. Firstly, Daniela De Simone showed archaeological evidence of South Asian wine containers and placed these in wider cultural and geographical context. Then Lewis Doney spoke about Central Asian drink trade and consumption based on written testimonies. This was followed by Csaba Dezső’s survey of South Asian literary sources with references to drinking. The seminar was concluded with thoughts by Michael Willis.
One of the sub-projects of our ERC grant that is specifically based at SOAS is the decipherment of Pyu language of ancient Burma. Nathan Hill (Reader in Tibetan and Historical Linguistics) is the SOAS principal investigator. He is working on the project with postdoctoral researcher Marc Miyake.
Early on the project benefited from the generosity of Prof. Janice Stargardt, an archaeologist at Cambridge University, who shared with us her collection of rubbings of Pyu epigraphical monuments. These rubbings were digitized by the British Library and are now available to project members.
We have joined forces with another project, funded by the Robert H. N. Ho Family Foundation and administered by the École française d’Extrême-Orient, also working on the decipherment of Pyu. In November the two projects took a research trip to Burma with photographer James Miles to get high resolution scans of the inscriptions. The trip took us up and down the country—Rangoon, Pegu, Naypyidaw, Mandalay, Myintha, Pagan, Halin, Beikthano, Prome, and Sandoway. Inscriptions were documented using three techniques: RTI (Reflectance Transformation Imaging) for relatively flat inscriptions, photogrammetry 3D modeling for round or curved objects, and normal photography for silver and gold objects. Currently 165 inscriptions have been identified; we have high resolution images of all but three.
Current work is focussed on transliterating inscription and converting the transliterations into XML. We are paying special attention to bilingual and multilingual objects. At the moment we are studying a Sanskrit-Pyu bilingual text. Each Sanskrit word is followed by a gloss in Pyu. For instance, the Sanskrit pronoun aham ‘I’ (cognate to English I) was glossed in Pyu as gayṁḥ, which must mean ‘I’.
Photogrammetry of a Buddha statue at the National Museum in Naypyidaw (James Miles)
RTI of a quadralingual inscription at the monastery in Myintha (James Miles)
FTI of a quadralingual inscription at the Myazedi pagoda in Pagan (Marc Miyake and James Miles)
Group photo at the Petaw monastery in Myintha (Arlo Griffith, Julian Wheatley, James Miles, Ashin Nyarna Daza (abbot), Bob Hudson, Nathan Hill, Marc Miyake, Wai Lin Thu, Ne Myo Win)
Clockwise from top left: Photogrammetry of a Buddha statue at the National Museum in Naypyidaw (James Miles); RTI of a quadralingual inscription at the monastery in Myintha (James Miles); FTI of a quadralingual inscription at the Myazedi pagoda in Pagan (Marc Miyake and James Miles); Group photo at the Petaw monastery in Myintha (Arlo Griffith, Julian Wheatley, James Miles, Ashin Nyarna Daza (abbot), Bob Hudson, Nathan Hill, Marc Miyake, Wai Lin Thu, Ne Myo Win)
At our workshop in November, Ulrich Pagel talked about his research into the taxation of Buddhist monks and monasteries in ancient India. He began with a story from the Vinayavibhaṅga of the Mūlasarvāstivādins, about a group of monks travelling with merchants, who avoided paying customs duty on their goods. At the end of the story the Buddha finds out what has happened, and tells the monks that they must pay customs duty. But the story also suggests that monks carried private property, and were considered to be subject to taxes.
Reviewing several different sources on taxation, particularly the Dharmaśāstra literature, Pagel showed that Brahminical sources allowed certain categories of people to be exempt from paying tax, including women, children and ascetics. However, Buddhist monks seem not to have been included in the category of ascetics. In fact, in the Brahmin system, they were equivalent to the lowest of the four castes, the śūdra. Pagel also suggested reasons why rulers might want to tax Buddhist monks: monasteries were a significant source of tax revenue, and individual monks, who travelled with merchants, might often come under suspicion of avoiding customs, as the story in the Vinayavibhaṅga suggests.