In our June seminar we welcomed Dr Christopher Handy, who spoke about his research on etiquette among Buddhist monks and nuns. Based on readings of the Buddhist monastics codes in the vinaya Handy pointed out that many of the rules for monks and nuns have little or nothing to do with ethics, and can be better characterised as rules of etiquette. Approaching the vinaya texts in the context of politeness, Handy drew on Penelope Brown and Stephen Levinson’s politeness theory (itself based on the work of the sociologist Erving Goffman) to argue that many of the rules in the vinaya are primarily concerned with not losing face.
The rules concerning politeness are especially common in the śaikṣadharma or ‘rules for training’, which include, for example, prohibitions against making a smacking (capucapu) or slurping (surusuru) sound when eating. Some rules of politeness, Handy showed, are based on previously existing Brahminical customs, such as the rule against urinating while standing. On the other hand, the nature of politeness is different when Buddhist monks and nuns are among lay people. Ordinarily friendly acts such as smiling and making small talk are not allowed to be directed towards lay people, especially those of the opposite sex.
Furthermore, Handy pointed out cases where the rules that applied when monks and nuns went among the laity were different from the rules they had to observe when amongst themselves. For instance, one case in the vinaya tells the story of the Buddha sneezing in the course of giving a teaching. When a monk in the audience said “long life!” (the equivalent of “bless you”!), the Buddha explained that it was not necessary to say that to him, or to fellow members of the sangha. However, when monks observed this same rule and failed to say “long life!” when their lay supporters sneezed, those supporters were offended at the monks’ rudeness. When told of of this, the Buddha said that the monks could continue to use the usual polite response with lay people.
After this fascinating talk, Handy demonstrated the new ERC-funded OpenPhilology project for Buddhist scriptures, which he is involved with at Leiden University. Click here for details.
At the May seminar we had two guest presenters from North America, both talking about the religious traditions of Nepal. Their research activities are based primarily on Sanskrit manuscripts along with extensive fieldwork in the Kathmandu Valley.
The first speaker, Alexander von Rospatt (UC Berkeley), discussed the importance of a work from ca. the 15th century, the Svayambhūpurāṇa, a complex text about the history of local Buddhism with a special focus on the Svayambhū Stūpa, a central landmark and pilgrimage site (tīrtha) in Kathmandu. This charter-like piece, rich in narratives, is seen as an attempt for Newar Buddhism to reinvent itself: with Nepal being the centre and India the periphery. The text starts with the famous legend of origins: the Valley was once a lake, the Stūpa stood on a lotus, and the bodhisattva of wisdom, Mañjuśrī, drained this lake by cutting a gorge into the surrounding mountain range. While the area dried up resident Nāga serpents were relocated to smaller ponds and streams with Karkoṭaka being the most important up to the present. With the course of time Svayambhū developed its many tantric connections, including links to the Yoginītantras, the deity Cakrasaṃvara and the goddesses Vajrayoginī and Guhyeśvarī.
While the Svayambhūpurāṇa is translated into Tibetan, Newari and Nepali, it still lacks a complete Western rendering and only some of its versions are edited. There are four distinct recensions with slightly different titles and the length of the metrical ones ranges from a few hundred to a couple of thousand verses. The various versions also contain prescriptions for religious observances (vrata) of the bodhisattva vow. The renovation of the Stūpa is regularly sponsored by different communities in the Valley and there are exquisite depictions of the buildings and related legends both as manuscript illuminations and mural paintings.
The second speaker, Jessica Vantine Birkenholtz (Univ. of Illinois), introduced a little researched tradition, the Hindu Svasthānīvratakathā or ‘The Story of the Ritual Vow to the Goddess Svasthānī’ from the 16th century. This ritual of high-caste Hinduism focusses on the performance of the Svasthānī vow, the succesful completion of which results in prosperity. Though this goddess is little known in other sources, a copy is kept in most Hindu households, and the text is recited in these households every winter in the month of Magh (January-February). The text survives in more than 700 manuscripts, the oldest dating to 1573 CE. From the 18th century onwards the Svasthānīvratakathā underwent a ‘Purāṇicisation’ process and became an established text along with other ones like the Paśupatipurāṇa or the Nepālmahātmya. The main religious observance (vrata) takes place primarily in the ancient town of Sankhu not too far from Kathmandu. An interesting point for comparison with the observance of the bodhisattva vow at Svayambhū is that it is overwhelmingly female lay devotees who participate in both kinds of ritual.
Between February the 19th and March the 16th, 2017, I travelled to Thailand to investigate the region’s long history of religious kingship, Buddhism and its attendant material culture.
I spent the first ten days in Bangkok, an area rich in temples, monasteries, monuments and lived religious practice. Examples include Wat Phra Kaew, Wat Pho, the Grand Palace and the Erawan Shrine.
Scene from the Rāmāyaṇa mural at the Grand Palace (Phra Borom Maha Ratcha Wang), Bangkok.
The time of my visit coincided with the sad period of mourning for the beloved King of Thailand. This gave me the opportunity to witness first hand both the organised Buddhist rituals of his commemoration among the civil service employees who still dress in black or white as a sign of respect, and also the preparations for the departed king’s cremation due to take place in December 2017.
During this time, I also visited the National Museum, a treasure-trove of artefacts from around Thailand dating from the prehistoric age over 6000 years ago to the Bangkok period. Of especial interest is the time of the Dvaravati city-states (6th–11th centuries CE), which borrowed Mon culture and non-Mahāyāna Buddhism from its neighbours. Numismatic and stone inscriptional evidence suggests that these were based around Nakhon Pathom, west of Bangkok. Like the earlier Guptas, this civilization maintained numerous overland trade routes—including east to what is today Cambodia, west to Burma, and north to Chiang Mai and Laos. These existed in addition to the maritime networks existing from the eighth century under the protection of the empire of Srivijaya, who controlled trade between the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean. Evidence of Dvaravati Buddhist artwork remains, and seems to show that the localised forms of originally Indic design had been interpreted through Mon and other cultures to form a unique local flavour. The Dvaravati city-states lasted until the westward expansion of the Khmer empire (9th–15th centuries) into the region during the eleventh century.
Relief depicting female musicians (Dvaravati style, 8th–9th) from Khu Bua, Ratchaburi province.
While in Bangkok, I had the chance to visit Mahidol University and to present my latest research and the ongoing work of the Beyond Boundaries project to staff and students of the Buddhist Studies international programme within the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities. I was also lucky enough to participate in a reading group hosted by Mattia Salvini and Harunaga Isaacson on Jñānaśrīmitra’s (fl. 975-1025) Sākārasiddhiśāstra and an opening talk by Shoryu Katsura on the Prajñāpāramitopadeśa of Ratnākaraśānti (c. 1000).
Further afield, I was able to document the archaeological sites of Ayuthaya, Sukhothai and Satchanalai to the north in Thailand. Between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries, Sukhothai was a regional Khmer administrative centre and so lay on one of the main roads connecting the capital at Angkor along which temples in the Khmer style—Brahman and Buddhist—acted as a visible symbol of imperial power. After the Tai expelled the Khmer in the thirteenth century, King Sri Indraditya and his son Ramkhamhaeng made of Sukhothai a large regional power with dependant kings in the four directions. Satchanalai was the northernmost, and second most important of the cities in this kingdom. Lastly, Ayuthaya was the centre of power and basis for booming maritime trade during the eponymous period, from the mid-fourteenth century onwards. The site combines Khmer and local traits, since the Ayuthaya rulers conquered the Khmer in the 1430s and were connected in marriage to the closer kingdoms of Suphanburi and Lopburi and other vassal states. Unlike Sukhotahai, Ayuthaya’s rulers were given the epithet devarājā rather than dhammarājā. The region also maintained ties with China during this period.
Standing Buddha (h. 12m) at Wat Mahathat, Sukhothai archaeological site.
Finally, pursuing my research into Buddhist material culture, I was able to visit several important sites of Thai and Chinese temple bells, photograph them and record their dimensions. This will help to give an account of them during the panel titled “Bell Inscriptions across the Buddhist World” at the International Association of Buddhist Studies conference to be held in Toronto in August 2017.
Shrine and bell & drum tower at Wat Chana Songkhram, Bangkok.
At the February seminar, we had three talks from distinguished academics of Buddhist Studies, focusing on the transmission of Buddhism through Central Asia during the first millenium CE.
First, Hannes Fellner presented his research on Tocharian Buddhism and Buddhist texts dating roughly from the fourth to the tenth century. He first discussed the Tocharian languages spoken especially in the northern Tarim Basin in Xinjiang, which are descended from an Indo-European ancestor spoken around eastern Ukraine about four thousand years ago and suggest an easterly migration of peoples displacing an Indo-Iranian culture before the common era. Ancient and later Tocharian B are found in the west of the Tarim Basin, and both are earlier than the eastern Tocharian A.
All documents written in this now extinct language are incomplete, lacking colophons, but recent work (especially by the CEToM) has brought together almost all extant Tocharian documents to compare them with each other and with correlates in works of other languages to describe the culture that once flourished around Kucha and Yanxi. Almost all Tocharian texts are Buddhist, with the exception a colloquial poem and a fragment of a Manichaean work. They include Sarvāstivāda sutras, monastic regulations (vinaya) and classificatory works (abhidharma), as well as non-canonical literature such as royal lineages, grammars, dramas and narratives.
The Tocharians were famous in China as players and musicians, and this seems to be confirmed by the amount of these latter types of work discovered. Hannes Fellner took us through the paleography, formal features and contents of a number of these works. He then described the linguistic shifts that occurred with the Tocharians’ conversion to Buddhism, and the trends of lexical borrowing, calque vs. free translation, and suggested that speakers of Tocharian B may have converted speakers of Tocharian A to judge from differences in their core Buddhist terminologies. He ended by arguing that scholars of Buddhist Studies have much to contribute to the identification of Tocharian works, contextualisation of linguistic, stylistic and terminological shifts evidenced therein, but that Tocharian texts also could reciprocate in future, as an archaic Buddhist tradition with a comparitively large corpus of extant texts and an especially interesting proclivity for Buddhist belles lettres.
The second speaker, Jan Nattier, provided insights into the second- and early third-century translators and translations of Buddhist works into Chinese. She identified the ethnocons, the Chinese names taken on predominantly by non-Chinese that indicate their ethnic group, as suggesting that most translators were of western Central Asian (Parthian, Yuezhi and Sogdian) heritage, though not necessarily immigrants themselves. These translators included An Shigao安世高, Lokakṣema / Zhi Loujiachen 支婁迦讖, An Xuan安玄 and Kang Mengxiang康孟詳, who displayed different translation styles.
For example, Lokakṣema and his Buddhist translation group (one of the first in China), many times favoured transcription of Indic terminology over translation. In contrast, An Xuan and Kang Mengxiang attempted to translate everything, even leading to some apparent innovations that only later became standard terminology through the popularity of their works. Nattier suggested that these styles reflected different audiences for the translated works, perhaps a polyglot expat group in the case of the former, and an indigenous Chinese elites in the latter case. She also described the evidence for Gandhari underlying the texts translated, rather than Classical Sanskrit as was presumed by earlier generations of scholars.
Finally, Jonathan Silk outlined his current research into eighth- and ninth-century translations of Buddhist works from Chinese into Tibetan. He indicated that such an analysis could help to unlock a certain Chinese understanding of their works, uncovered in the choices made when re-translating them (or translating in the case of Chinese compositions) into Tibetan. Most Tibetan translations carried out towards the end of the Tibetan imperial period (c. 600–850) were translated from Indic languages. However, catalogues of the royal library collections of the time show that many were not, and over thirty of the works translated can be found in Chinese in the Taishō Canon.
Silk went through these works, highlighting where some Chinese-Tibetan translations have become canonical themselves, or where they only exist in the Dunhuang corpus of texts (with or without a corresponding Indic translation in the Tibetan Kanjur Canon). Sometimes the Chinese basis of the translation is clearly indicated in the colophon, or in the transcription of the Chinese title at the beginning of the work. At other times, however, the dependence has to be gleaned from internal textual evidence, and Silk pointed out the types of evidence used to come to these conclusions. Furthermore, he gave some examples where the Chinese understanding of the underlying Indic terminology behind the work shone through the Tibetan translation.
These telltale signs suggest that Chinese speakers, perhaps with dictionaries or glossaries, could see enough of the Indic terminology in the Chinese text to be able to translate it into Tibetan calque terms that also correlated with the Indic original—that they understood the technical nature of these works on a fine-grained level. It is his intention to create multilingual collations of some of these works in the future, to help to unlock the shape of Buddhism at Dunhuang in the late first millennium.
At our January workshop, Robert DeCaroli discussed his research on the momentous move from an aniconic depiction of the Buddha before the common era to the first images of Śākyamuni in full, appearing from the second century CE onwards. He discussed the correlation between places and periods in which royalty were depicted and those in which the first Buddha images are thought to have first appeared, though he was careful not to suggest causation. Drawing on his recent book, Image Problems, DeCaroli outlined the cultural shift that occured away from hesitancy over depicting the Buddha in human form, which was perhaps linked to a widely held beliefs that creating effigies of living beings left them vulnerable to attack amd control through ritual. The earliest human images of the Buddha occur in areas controlled by the Kushan and Indo-Scythian dynasties, and spread into the Deccan, as evidenced at sites such as the Kānherī Caves. Kānherī Cave 3 exhibits on an outer pillar and on one of the pillars within the unfinished stūpa hall, images of the Buddha that resemble those of yakṣas from Mathura.
DeCaroli argued that the Kānherī Cave 3’s construction should be dated between 140–170 CE, contemporary with similar early Buddha imagery appearing at Amaravati, and proposed that this site shows the influence of northern Indian artistic models of iconism spreading down into the Deccan during Sātavāhana rule of the region. Living members of this dynasty at the same time began to be depicted at places such as Nāṇaghāṭ, and DeCaroli suggested that perhaps the Buddhist artists reappropriated royal art in making their religious images. Furthermore, these first tentative attempts at depicting the Buddha in human form seem to have gained favour, and slowly the Buddha image moved from a peripheral to a central position and more religious figures were added at sites such as Ajaṇṭā Caves 19 and 26—before the explosion of images witnessed in the fourth and fifth centuries.
This talk was followed by a short presentation by Lewis Doney on a passage in a Tibetan history, the dBa’ bzhed, wherein it is decided that the most beautiful members of the Tibetan nobility should act as models for deity statues in bSam yas Monastery. He illustrated with Himalayan art and this led to a discussion on the emergence of a “Tibetan” style distinctive from “Indian” and “Chinese” at the turn of the second millennium. Gergely Hidas then introduced his recent work on ritual instructions for the control of the weather from Buddhist dharani sutras, and finally, Michael Willis presented items from the British Museum collections thought to originate in Kānherī.
At our workshop in November, Ulrich Pagel talked about his research into the taxation of Buddhist monks and monasteries in ancient India. He began with a story from the Vinayavibhaṅga of the Mūlasarvāstivādins, about a group of monks travelling with merchants, who avoided paying customs duty on their goods. At the end of the story the Buddha finds out what has happened, and tells the monks that they must pay customs duty. But the story also suggests that monks carried private property, and were considered to be subject to taxes.
Reviewing several different sources on taxation, particularly the Dharmaśāstra literature, Pagel showed that Brahminical sources allowed certain categories of people to be exempt from paying tax, including women, children and ascetics. However, Buddhist monks seem not to have been included in the category of ascetics. In fact, in the Brahmin system, they were equivalent to the lowest of the four castes, the śūdra. Pagel also suggested reasons why rulers might want to tax Buddhist monks: monasteries were a significant source of tax revenue, and individual monks, who travelled with merchants, might often come under suspicion of avoiding customs, as the story in the Vinayavibhaṅga suggests.
For our June seminar, Harry Falk was unfortunately unable to come, so Michael Willis spoke about his work on a key Buddhist text, the Milindapañha, or ‘Questions of Milinda’. The text is a dialogue between a monk, Nāgasena, and a king, Milinda, identified as the Indo-Greek king Menander. It is an unusual work, in presenting a monk in dialogue with a king, and the Buddha not present at all, and for this among other reasons, it was never included in the Pali canon. Looking at the text from a historical perspective, Willis discussed how Oscar von Hinuber, Peter Skilling and others have shown how it was expanded over time. The earliest part seems to have been the sections on “Distinguishing characteristics” and “Cutting off dilemmas” an original core comprising, to the full Pali edition in seven books.
The original language of the Milindapañha may have been Gandhari, though no version in that language has been found. There was once a Sanskrit version, but this is also lost. Early Chinese translations no longer survive either, and only parts of the text remain in the Chinese canon. The first Pali version was created by 4th century, probably in south India, though the oldest manuscript containing the Pali text is much later: a Thai manuscript dating from the 15th century. The Milindapañha was never translated into Tibetan, suggesting that it was no longer popular in Northern India by the 8th century. Michael Willis showed how our understanding of Buddhism in the period over which the text developed can cast light on aspects of Buddhist practice, such as the emergence of rituals involving images of buddhas and bodhisattvas.
In May we had a workshop on Bodhgaya, the famous site of the Buddha’s enlightenment, which has been a place of pilgrimage for many centuries, though it fell into dilapidation with the decline of Buddhism in India from around the 14th century, before its renovation in the 19th century. The workshop took a multidisciplinary approach to the site, with papers on the archaeological explorations of Bodhgaya, objects that were left there by pilgrims, the oldest known Buddha image from Bodhgaya, inscriptions of donors and others, and descriptions of the site by Tibetan and Burmese visitors over the centuries.
The papers given at the workshop were:
Michael Willis: “Introduction to the Bodhgaya Archive and Cunningham Collections.”
Robert Bracey: “The Amulet Box from the Vajrāsana.”
Gergely Hidas: “Dhāraṇī seals in the Cunningham Collection.”